Senior gambling in Hong Kong: through the lenses of Chinese senior gamblers – an exploratory study

Regarding problem gambling status, the results of the clinical interviews and the scores on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) formed the basis of the present findings. Out of the 18 participants, 3 participants (16.67%), two males and one female, were classified as pathological gamblers according to the criteria of the Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text rev.) (American Psychiatric Association [2000]). Their scores on the PGSI were 8, 10 and 13, respectively, which indicated significant levels of negative impacts of gambling. Detailed analysis on their gambling trajectories and pathways to development of problem gambling indicates that two of them can be classified as a behaviorally conditioned gambler and the third one as an antisocial/impulsive gambler according to the Blaszczynski and Nower ([2002]) model. Blaszczynski and Nower’s ([2002]) pathways model of problem and pathological gambling recognises the diversity within the problem gambling population and addresses the development process of problem and pathological gambling. One basic premise of this pathways model is that the authors depict the pathways to pathological gambling as a linear model with three different groups of gamblers, each with different behavioural outcomes and treatment needs. Accessibility to gambling is crucial in the development of gambling. Gamblers either come from gambling families or grow up in a family or peer environment that condones or encourages gambling. Usually, their first encounters with gambling are positive: an early win is often reported by these gamblers. There are common influences that affect all problem gamblers, such as availability and access, classical and operant conditioning effects in the maintenance of gambling, arousal factors and biased cognitive thinking patterns. Behaviourally-conditioned gamblers are normal and function well prior to their gambling experiences. This group of gamblers may have had a stable career prior to gambling. They are not pathologically disturbed before they start to gamble excessively but, with repeated exposure to gambling activities, symptoms of the pathological gambling may emerge. These symptoms include a preoccupation with gambling, depression, chasing losses, anxiety, insomnia and even substance dependency. Their problems are the consequences of their excessive gambling behaviour. In contrast, antisocial/impulsive gamblers might have innate biological deficiencies, either neurological or neurochemical, to control impulses. These individuals are characterised by antisocial personality disorders and impulsivity and/or attention-deficit disorders. Their lack of control over the impulsivity can also be a consequence of learned behavioural patterns. These individuals may learn to seek immediate gratification of wants and desires during development. Impulsive gamblers have a propensity to seek out constant stimulation from their environment. In addition to their gambling, they tend to be clinically impulsive and display a broad range of problems, which might include substance and alcohol abuse, poor relationship skills, a propensity to commit criminal acts, and a family history of antisocial behaviour.

These characteristics best described the three pathological gamblers in the current study. For instance, Shawn’s (Male, 55 years of age) developmental history of gambling best described the pathway development of an antisocial gambler. He developed gambling habits at the age of 12 and has continued to gamble excessively since his teenage years. Although married and with two children, he has assumed little responsibility to support his family. As he has never entered any treatment program for his gambling problem, he still owes a large sum of money to loan sharks. His wife left him a few months prior to the interview and went back to the United Kingdom. However, Shawn seemed to care little for his family. His disregard for family responsibilities in favour of a carefree lifestyle in pursuit of gambling displays the characteristics of an antisocial/impulsive gambler. During his interview, he frankly admitted that he had been a pathological gambler all his life. He said: “Now, I cannot gamble as much… I have to wait till payday to gamble.” He had attended treatment for problem gambling for three times, but as he said, “I cannot quit…… just cannot.” One of his recurrent remarks, which he made during the interview was that he had been always tight on finances. Every month, he had to pay HKD 8,000 to pay off his debt. After paying off this amount, he would then gamble the rest of his money.

The findings provided insight into the gambling behavior of senior Chinese gamblers in Hong Kong. Further, through the in-depth interviews, the information about their gambling history, views and meanings of gambling was revealed. Senior gamblers in the current study gambled because they had more free time, especially after retirement, and at the same time, they had easy access to gambling. Firstly, many of the participants who gambled regularly grew up in a working class family with low socio-economic status. They were often introduced to gambling by extended family members and from an early age, sometimes from childhood. Gambling was often normalised in these environments with no associated stigma. Even in some cases, children were encouraged to develop prowess and skills in gambling. Secondly, the main motivation for the senior gambling was pursuit of pleasure and fun, not necessarily gambling winnings. Monetary gain, although desirable, seemed the secondary reason. The primary reason for senior gambling was social interaction, companionship and reasons to go out. Lastly, senior gamblers gambled mainly to stay in the game so that they have more time for social interaction.

The majority of Chinese older adult gamblers who were interviewed in the current study undertook gambling as a means of social interaction and a daily pastime. The findings are consistent with previous studies that have addressed gambling as a means for socialising activities in the aged community (Loroz [2004]; McNeilly & Burke [2000]). This was especially true for elderly women. Women gamblers enjoyed mahjong, which served as a “group activity” that brought friends together. To these women, playing mahjong provided an oasis and a comfort zone, within which they could find peace and comfort in their hectic lives. Unlike female gamblers, male gamblers favoured skill-orientated games such as horse racing and football betting. Female gamblers tended to see gambling as a means to socialise or pass time. In Hong Kong society, especially among working class people, gambling can be seen as a social function for marginalised groups. Most of the elderly participants in the present study gambled for social interaction, type of interaction dictated within the context of the game, without intimacy. Similar motivation has been reported by elderly gamblers from the Chinese community in Australia who gamble on Electronic Gaming Machines (EGM) (Ohtsuka [2013]). Obviously, there seems a need for future research to investigate if this need for stylised social interaction in gambling is related to the personality or other individual characteristics of gamblers. Further, this preference for a stylised social interaction echoes what Australian EGM gamblers from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds in Australia wanted from the gaming venue staff (Ohtsuka [2013]). The CALD gamblers want friendly interaction with the gaming venue staff, which could be called professional “friendliness,” without getting too personal or intruding, that is friendliness at an arm’s length.

As the research literature reported, the amount of outlay for gambling decreases among the very old compared to those in their 60’s and early 70’s. However, when the decline in decision making ability with advancing age is taken into account (Bakos et al. [2008]), the reduced expenditure in gambling does not automatically mean that older gamblers would remain low-risk social gamblers. Older gamblers are more likely to play the familiar games and rely on word-of-mouth for information regarding gambling games and promotions (Moufakkir [2006]). Elderly gamblers are more likely to subscribe to culture-specific schema that may increase their illusion of control (Ohtsuka & Ohtsuka [2010]). Combined with a general decline in cognitive flexibility, older adult gamblers, especially those who lack a social network as a safety net, could be vulnerable to problem gambling.

This study has some limitations. Qualitative research allows salient information regarding subjective experiences of the informants to be obtained. The experiences and views reported by the research participants may include undoubtedly more personal, idiosyncratic subjective interpretation of gambling as well as the attitudes and views shared by other elderly gamblers (e.g., Ohtsuka [2013]). Although the number of participants in the current study (n = 18) is more than adequate for qualitative research, the findings cannot be used to establish the prevalence of elderly gambling in Hong Kong. Due to social stigma of gambling, recruitment of active senior gamblers was not easy. Future studies can supplement the current findings from participants in retirement facilities.

In conclusion, the findings of the current study reveal how gambling can reflect the cultural characteristics of the community of Hong Kong. To elderly gamblers, gambling provides them with not only the dissociation from daily hassles and frustration in life (Brown [2002]) but it transports senior gamblers to a social space where everyday rules do not apply. In this sense, the senior gamblers in Hong Kong, although their gambling is not as extensive as that of Paichais in Macau, “resident” gamblers who gamble extensively (Chan & Ohtsuka [2013]), or treatment-seeking problem gamblers (Chan & Ohtsuka, [2011b]) live in a gambling culture where the shared participation in gambling forms a core of social interaction. In that sense, the elderly gamblers in Hong Kong share the social space created through gambling with fellow senior gamblers, which seems to provide social interactions in the form in which they are comfortable to participate. And for our senior gamblers, through the lenses into their subjective worlds, gambling may provide an existential meaning to their lives in the hectic city life of Hong Kong.

Keis Ohtsuka

Dr Keis Ohtsuka is a Senior Lecturer in Psychology at Victoria University, Australia. His research interests include gambling cognitions, erroneous gambling-related beliefs, cultural understanding of luck and chance, and cultural competency training of gaming workers. Dr Ohtsuka is the Editor-in-Chief of the Asian Journal of Gambling Issues and Public Health and serves on editorial boards of several gambling journals.

Chi Chuen Chan

Dr Chi Chuen Chan is a Visiting Professor in Psychology at the University of Saint Joseph, Macau and an Adjunct Faculty at Upper Iowa University, Hong Kong. He has also been serving communities in Hong Kong and Macau as a clinical psychologist. Dr Chan received a PhD (Victoria University, Australia) and Master of Religious Studies (Yale). He is a Managing Editor of the Asian Journal of Gambling Issues and Public Health.

Problem Gambling Severity Index of Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI) ( Ferris & Wynne [2001]) translated in Chinese (Traditional Chinese Font - Hong Kong).

計分方法: 0 = 從來沒有, 1 = 有些時候, 2 = 很多時候, 3 = 時常 (Scoring: 0 = Never, 1 = Sometimes, 2 = Most of the time, 3 = Almost always; Cut off scores: 1-2 = Low risk gambling, 3-7 = Moderate risk gambling, and 8-27 = Problem gambling).