Three culturally dominant repertoires were identified: ‘Culture not self,’ ‘If it makes you happy,’ and ‘No problem here!’ All three were readily accessible to all participants and were taken as ‘truth’, however, ‘Culture not self’ showed more variation in expression.
Culture not self
Culture is the system of knowledge and practice, both explicit and tacit which is shared by a large number of group members. It is a way of life, a cumulative deposit of knowledge, and a human-made component of environment where developmental experiences such as attachment, behavioural learning take place.
When speaking about gambling, the notion of cultureFootnote 2 played a pivotal role as it was the primary way they justified and gave themselves permission to be involved. They emphasised the importance of taking a holistic view of the role of gambling in young adults’ lives. Culture includes the family influence that shaped individual views, interests and gambling activities and practice, the social and community influence that created familiarity and permissive attitude toward gambling, and social activities among friends that established acceptance and connection through gambling.
Gambling was discussed not as a conscious lifestyle choice but as an aspect of daily life. Gambling forms such as Tattslotto, scratch lotteries, and the Melbourne Cup were ingrained in the societal consciousness as so mundane that they did not even constitute a ‘real’ gambling activity.
When I get the paper I always pick up a Tattslotto ticket, do you class that? (Steven, Apprentice Chef, 23 years old)
Dad used to get us kids to pick numbers, and he would play those lines every week, and if we won, we would always win like fifth or fourth division occasionally, he would split it between the four of us. (Tristan, Apprentice Carpenter, 18 years old)
We used to do a family sweep at Melbourne Cup but you only win like ten dollars, we didn’t put the money in, but my dad would just pay it out, nothing big at all. There was the football tipping, but it was the same thing more of competition than gambling, but we did get some money if we came first or second at the end of the season. (Tristan, Apprentice Carpenter, 18 years old)
Gambling was a part of the shared cultural experience, a natural way of life for the participants. It was viewed as a common connection and a shared interest transcending age and socioeconomic divide, a tangible activity to bring people together. Their interests in gambling forms often originated from the family culture and tradition that their parents had established. The gambling form that the participant enjoyed was often their parents’ favourite pastime which was fondly remembered. Since gambling was part of their childhood memories of the family tradition, it invoked a great deal of nostalgia, comfort, and normality.
My Nan plays the pokies, my Pa likes the horses better.
(Steven, Apprentice Chef, 23 years old)
It’s sorta “in my blood” uncle (is a) jockey, old man professional (punter), grandpa bookie. (Michael, University Student, 18 years old)
Oh well my mum, I suppose, she probably … she loves the pokies too. (Peter, Unemployed, 19 years old)
The community influence and the availability of gambling were frequently mentioned. Gambling became a focus of social interaction, and gambling venues were social places that they frequented. The prevalence of gambling in childhood memories fostered a positive regard and acceptance of gambling.
They (my friends) don’t specifically go down to the pub with the intention of betting, but if we are there, they might put money in the pokies or pick a number. (Kate, Receptionist, 21 years old)
Ah well, places like pubs and clubs don’t have stuff like poker and blackjack or roulette and things like that so it (gambling) doesn’t really happen. But pokies…. They’re at the places I go. (Lisa, University Student, 20 years old)
Moreover, sometimes gambling is a rite of passage.
Mum said, “Wow, you are 18, now let’s go to Crown Casino now and gamble!”
(Lisa, University Student, 20 years old)
Gambling was also described as a group experience, activity or pastime where all members of a social group had a shared interest. Being good at gambling increased social standing in the group. Gambling was also a way to maintain social interaction—an excuse for catching up. Gambling as a means of social interaction was described freely without defensiveness or fear of social stigma.
It’s mostly pretty accepted, most people I know and am close to have some sort of link with gambling. Say, though I play basketball and in our basketball team, there is one guy who is in a betting syndicate through work, another guy whose dad is an accountant who follows the horses, and he is always passing on tips to us all. And (I have) a friend whose uncle trains greyhounds, and the rest of us are always out as a group so really what some do, the others (also) do to some degree. (Kate, Receptionist, 21 years old)
Gambling is conceptualised in many different activities to socialise with friends rather than narrowly defined as a pastime to win money.
You get a syndicate together and will go in that but nah, when we play golf instead of a ball you get a partner, and you play for a tattslotto ticket. So if you play well, you get a free chance of winning, it only costs you two bucks or whatever. You know that’s a good way to go, sometimes in the TAB you don’t have to bet but, say put in a dollar and say everyone picks a dog and whoever wins, wins the dollars. That’s a way of gambling, but it’s more of a social aspect and just a good thing to do. It doesn’t cost you much (and) you’re with your friends. (Michael, University Student, 18 years old)
The legitimization of gambling to comply with cultural and group norms is a key feature of this discourse. With family, friends, and in the community, gambling as a group enables the participants to avoid personal responsibility. Hence, it was constructed as a purely positive experience supported by a group norm that helped externalise responsibility and avoid moral questions.
If it makes you happy
Much of the discourse revolved around defining the rights and responsibilities of young adults in their life cycle and their role in the world. Young adults are held accountable for their own actions but not yet burdened with the trappings of older adulthood such as a family of their own, mortgage and children. It was important for them to mention this so that their decisions and actions were understood in the context of young adulthood where they can afford to pursue individual interests. They articulated their justification for their gambling in two ways: first, by minimising and normalising the role of gambling in their life.
I’m 18 and earn a good wage so can afford to spend a lot of money. I don’t have a lot of expenses. I still live at home, I want to save but my only expense is my phone bill, …, I pay a bit for boarding and stuff, but I have at the moment a bit of money to lose. (Michael, University Student, 18 years old)
Second, by describing the valuable qualities of gambling, they justified their gambling that played a positive role in their lives. Again the negative impact of gambling was de-emphasized because it is not the act of gambling that holds value for them but it is the association with a social function that gambling represents. Thus, speaking about gambling means speaking about their life, not because it dictates their life but because gambling venues are where they find their weekly entertainment and friends, where their friendship is formed and strengthened, and the place for support and the oasis to escape from the pressures of everyday drudgery. Gambling presents a challenge in a protected playground where the outcomes are familiar. If they lose bets, it is not a matter of life and death, just money. They stake a small amount of money as their collateral for a little diversion.
I do it with my friends for the enjoyment and not like I said not to make a fortune but for the enjoyment and I mean there is nothing like…. It is, it does give you a bit of a rush, you put your money on the line and then seeing the thing (horse) that you put your money on, your hard earned money on, comes cross the line first. It’s exciting, and it gives you a sense of satisfaction. I’m not generally really a risk taker in life. (Kate, Receptionist, 21 years old)
Gambling was therefore normalized in their language because gambling and gambling venues were described with such familiarity that they no longer warranted excessive explanation.
Not necessarily a good night out, it’s just like another night out. (Theo, Sales Assistant, 24 years old)
We are here at about once a week; there is a group of us, about six usually, we come most Fridays probably for the past twelve months. It’s the one thing you can always rely on that we will come here on a Friday night. (Steven, Apprentice Chef, 23 years old)
The participants legitimized their gambling by its positive attributes: to bring people together, to provide entertainment, excitement and escape from the mundaneness and responsibility in everyday life. Unlike an oasis for emotionally vulnerable problem gamblers (Loughnan et al. 1999), young gamblers perceive gambling as a focal point for socialisation and an excuse to get together. To them, it is a means of socializing with friends, not the end goal of recreation or a cocoon sheltering them from a stressful life. Our participants were mostly single and either employed or on the way to becoming financially independent and had few worries other than socialising.
Indulgence is a viable option for the carefree with a large dispositional income and few financial obligations. However, the most frequently featured and valued attribute was not always explicitly acknowledged—self confidence, a belief in the correctness of their own choice in the face of bewildering freedom of choice.
The participants felt besieged by people directing them in what to do, when to do it, and how to live their lives. Trying to accommodate others’ wishes, they acknowledged the futility of trying to please everyone. They felt pressure to both gamble and to steer clear of gambling. Acknowledging these tensions, they believed that it should be their individual decision to gamble. However, the participants anticipated criticism for their actions whether they decided to gamble or not. Hence, the participants trusted their own decision to gamble so long as gambling would make them happy.
The repertoire ‘if it makes you happy,’ a moderately rebellious yet defensively positive theme was like a mantra in the interviews.
I like going to a pub drinking and having a bet, that’s what I like doing, other people just punt (but) they don’t drink, other people drink and don’t punt, you just gotta be happy, whatever makes you happy. (Michael, University Student, 18 years old)
I find that I believe that you are put on this earth to enjoy it, like abide by rules, to a certain extent to where everyone is happy, but you have got to make yourself happy. If it is gambling, if that is what makes you happy, do it.
(Peter, Unemployed, 19 years old)
Deciding to gamble, the participants’ language was unwavering and uncritical. What if their judgment is flawed? What if the best option for them does not make them happy now but will in the long term? These possibilities, however, were not fully considered in their discourse.
Yep, have some fun, we are not here for a long time we are here for a good time. (Lisa, University Student, 20 years old)
This particular repertoire sums up the young adult gamblers’ worldview of their stage of life. Gambling is a positive activity but unimportant per se. It derives its value through its associations with entertainment, social interaction, fun, escapism, and by the very fact that is was their own decision.
No problem here!
Although the participants were recreational gamblers who did not experience negative repercussions of gambling, the image of a problem gambler was prominent as the interviewees elaborated to distance themselves from this idea. They described problem gamblers as older gamblers who visited the gaming venue alone. Problem gambling was a solitary affair that occurred outside the social milieu. Problem gamblers were seen to hurt others emotionally and financially and were oblivious to the odds against them. Therefore, the interviewees structured their discourse to distinguish themselves from the image of problem gambling in two ways: they articulated their behaviour as being opposite to problem gambling behaviour, and criticised problem gamblers for their lack of rational thinking. Firstly, the discourse emphasized differences between “us” and “problem gamblers.” Secondly, the participants defended gambling as a positive wholesome leisure activity because they were concerned about a “negative” image that problem gamblers had created. The discourse that acknowledges the potential risk of problem gambling was endorsed to show that they were not at-risk.
I wouldn’t come here by myself, but if I’m meeting my boyfriend or friends, I will come, but I wouldn’t come here to gamble on the poker machines or TAB by myself. (Lisa, University Student, 20 years old)
So it is budgeted for, and I won’t go outside of that. Suppose I see that as a way to avoid problem gambling. Although I don’t think I could be tempted into problem gambling, I just figure that having money set aside that I can afford to lose and not overstepping that limit is a safeguard. (Kate, Receptionist, 21 years old)
The participants understood problem gambling as spending more than they planned at the venue and gambling more than their financial circumstances permit. Simply, that gambling must stop when disposable funds run out. However, this line of thinking may lead to a decision to gamble more if they have abundant funds available for recreational gambling. Without internal control, control of gambling based on external constraints and availability of funds may not be effective and could lead to problems in the future.
I won’t go too far but…. I won’t stop now (Tristan, Apprentice Carpenter, 18 years old)
You want to go out, go have a good time, do it; you want to gamble, do it, just not at the expense of other people. (Peter, Unemployed, 19 years old)
Participants compared themselves to how they envisioned a problem gambler might think and positioned themselves as the polar opposite. They also attempted to distance themselves further by questioning the intelligence of problem gamblers in a sarcastic tone.
Like actually carrying a rabbit’s foot around with me saying oh this is my lucky charm, this is going to bring me luck! (Laughs) (Theo, Sales Assistant, 24 years old)
Everyone has their different theories, like if you put $20 in and cash it then just put little bits in at a time. Or if you put a $50 in, and you stick a card in the push button, so it just presses it continuously never letting it go, it’s disturbing. (Lisa, University Student, 20 years old)
In the discourse of the participants, the contrast between ‘us’ and ‘them’ was possibly exaggerated to assure that the interviewees had no problem with gambling. They might have also felt judged by discussing the stigmatised issue of gambling. Thus, it was quite important for them to distinguish themselves from problem gamblers and suggest that problem gambling stems from purely individual problems. Hence, it is not gambling that can be harmful but the way “other gamblers” engage in it. This “it’s not related to me” discourse suggests that the participants may not fully understand the risk factors with problem gambling, which starts as a leisure activity. Further, the discursive repertoire overlooks the action and cognitions associated with problem gambling. Most of the erroneous gambling-related beliefs (EGRB), even as a simple example, were yet to surface in the consciousness of the participants. Therefore, whether or not their gambling was problematic at this time was unable to be determined by them because the yardstick by which they compared their actions did not measure their behaviour or consider EGRB’s.
I generally try to stick to the racing where there is some sort of skill involved. I just find it’s a bit more hands on a bit more enjoyable than pushing a button over and over again. (Kate, Receptionist, 21 years old)
Therefore, if they do not understand how problem gambling relates to them or how erroneous gambling-related beliefs could set in, in a different setting under different circumstances, their awareness at this basic level may not fully protect them from the risk of developing a problem with gambling. Another issue may be that the participants’ strong focus on their current life stage may prevent them from confronting the issue of gambling and its potential impact on later stages of life. However, the participants’ confidence to act as mature young adults who are rational, realistic and mature gamblers who have learnt from others’ mistakes may be a protective factor as their discourse also included statements of basic understanding of how gambling works and a resolve that they participate only as a leisure activity.
I’ve won $150, and it’s like this is great, then every time you go in there you expect it. Until you just have to grow up and realise and just go Jesus I’ve spent that much money and I could have put it toward, I could have gone away on a holiday with my girlfriend or whatever. (Peter, Unemployed, 19 years old)
This discursive repertoire presents young people as individuals who are aware of the danger of problem gambling but position themselves in opposition because they had learned from others’ mistakes and knew the risks of gambling. They exhibit a security and satisfaction that they understand gambling, which may contrast with reality.